Eden Hoffer is a PhD student in the Faculty of Information and Media Studies at Western University. Her doctoral research focuses on how mothers who are intimate partner violence victim-survivors are re-victimized and/or criminalized by social services/institutions such as the healthcare system, child welfare system, and criminal justice system.
According to the World Health Organization, intimate partner violence (IPV) refers to behaviours in an intimate relationship that causes physical, psychological, or sexual harm by current and former partners. Although IPV can manifest in the perpetration of physical violence by women against men, the statistics overwhelmingly indicate that women and girls are disproportionately victims of IPV perpetrated against them by men.
In Canada, prior to the 1980s, IPV tended to be viewed as a private or family matter, rather than an issue of public concern. Often called “wife battering,” there were few laws, policies, and procedures in place to address it. Yet, in the contemporary context, research has found that current police responses to IPV can undermine trust between women and the officers who claim to protect them. Additionally, a concerning report from CBC Canada revealed that one-third of police officer suspensions in Ontario were due to accusations of gender-based violence. This underscores the pervasiveness of IPV in Canadian culture and highlights how the endemic gender-based violence and racism within the police force render officers ill-suited as the first point of contact for victim-survivors. Consequently, they are often unprepared to provide the necessary response in these critical situations.
Criminalization
To address the lack of a sufficient response to IPV, mandatory charging policies were introduced in the 1980s, with some form of mandatory charging to address “spousal abuse” being implemented in most Canadian provinces by 1985. Mandatory charging policies served to criminalize IPV perpetration, signaling to the public that not only is IPV unacceptable, but that it is now a crime.
Broadly, criminalization involves making an activity or behaviour illegal by creating and implementing a law or policy which defines it as a crime. Criminalization also involves the establishment of penalties or consequences for engaging in the behaviour or act. When IPV was criminalized in 1986, police responding to an IPV call became legally obligated to lay criminal charges against the primary aggressor.
However, mandatory charging has had a number of unintended consequences, with IPV victims sometimes being charged either on their own or along with their male attacker. This often occurs in cases where police officers are unable to determine which partner is the “primary aggressor” or in cases where a woman uses force to physically defend herself and stop an attack. The criminalization of women who have experienced IPV is a significant miscarriage of justice and cause for concern. Criminalizing women who have reached out to the police for help in stopping violence is inherently problematic.
Impact of Women’s Criminalization
The criminalization of IPV victim-survivors has gendered and harmful consequences, disproportionately impacting Black women, Indigenous women, migrant women, and women living in poverty. Criminal charges may hinder their ability to obtain or maintain employment, especially in fields such as nursing or early childhood education; professions often dominated by women and where employees cannot have a criminal record. A criminal record can also create a significant barrier to securing housing since many landlords request prospective tenants to provide criminal record checks.
When mothers with children are criminalized through mandatory charging policies, they may risk involvement from child welfare agencies, who may see police involvement as a cause for intervention. In a study of IPV victims who were criminalized through mandatory charging policies, 15 out of 19 mothers reported harmful impacts on their children as a result. In cases where women engaged in violence to defend themselves and were criminalized, they were concerned about their children being left in their violent male partner’s care, where they were at risk of neglect or violence.
Future Directions
Reactive and punitive criminal justice policies are not only damaging to women who are IPV victim-survivors, they also fail to take preventative measures to address IPV. Scholars and advocates are increasingly calling for proactive, trauma-and violence-informed care (TVIC) approaches to IPV prevention and response.
TVIC is a systemic approach that emphasizes understanding an individual’s violent behaviour within the context of their life experiences. TVIC provides a compassionate, non-judgmental lens through which to examine the impacts of violence and trauma, creating safer environments that promote truthful disclosure and meaningful intervention. Crucially, TVIC also accounts for the “victim-offender overlap” in the context of IPV – a well-documented phenomenon where many perpetrators of crime were previously victims themselves. For an approach to effectively break cycles of violence, it must recognize how trauma transcends the categories of perpetrator and victim.
Implementing TVIC principles could mark a fundamental reorientation in how IPV policies and programs are developed in Canada. Rather than flawed, one-size-fits-all responses that often re-traumatize and criminalize survivors, TVIC demands equity-oriented, customized interventions that provide what each individual truly needs to heal and stop perpetuating harm.
Meaningful IPV prevention requires getting ahead of violence before it occurs. TVIC models create the foundation to do just that – by proactively addressing the systemic and structural causes of violence rather than waiting for tragedy to strike. When coupled with broader societal efforts to dismantle patriarchy, promote gender equity, and build economically thriving communities, TVIC could help with the prevention and elimination of IPV.
This change will require dedicated resources, comprehensive training for social workers, police officers, policy-makers, and legislators, and a true institutional commitment to transforming existing systems and structures. Overcoming long-standing biases that dismiss or diminish trauma may prove to be challenging. The criminalization of IPV victim-survivors persists, in part, because of a persistent need to fundamentally reconsider social approaches to IPV. TVIC provides a path forward that is centred on healing, compassion, and acknowledging the pervasive impact of violence and trauma in individuals’ lives.
In Canada, the gender pension gap is a growing factor of senior poverty that disproportionately affects older women and reduces their well-being, in terms of health and economics. The impact of the gender pay gap extends across the lifespan of most women1 in Canada. This blog illuminates the interaction of the gender pay gap with the gender pension gap.2
What is the gender pension gap?
The gender pension gap is the difference in retirement income between older men and women aged 65 and older.i Using data from Statistics Canada, the Pay Equity Office of Ontario calculated the gender pension gap to be 17% across Canada in 2021, meaning for every dollar a man receives in retirement income, a woman will receive 83 cents on average.ii
The gap widens when looking at private retirement income. Private retirement income comprises voluntary employer or personal retirement plans such as workplace pension plans or personal retirement plans like a registered retirement savings plan (RRSP) or pooled registered pension plan (PRPP)iii. In Canada, for every dollar a man receives in private retirement income, a woman receives 75 cents.iv
What factors cause the gender pension gap?
One major driving force for lower pensions is the systemic challenges women face in the labour market as they progress through their professional journey. As reflected by the gender pay gap, women typically earn lower wages than men. This is in part because women are more likely to work part-time due to caregiving responsibilities for children or the elderly.v
Additionally, women remain under-represented in high-earning executive and leadership positions. In 2023, approximately one-third of corporate director roles (34.8%) and executive officer roles (32.3%) are held by women, a slight increase compared to 2022. vi Unfortunately, there is also a decrease in women in senior management roles (39.1% in 2023, down 2.8%) and senior management pipeline roles (42.9%, down 11.9%).vii Diminishing gender diversity in senior management and pipeline management roles means women’s wages will remain stagnant, resulting in less earnings and savings for retirement.
In the public sector, the gender pay gap is narrowing.viii The public sector typically offers employer or union-based pension plans for woman-dominated occupations, such as education, healthcare, and public administration. Indeed, Statistics Canada reports that women have surpassed men as members of a registered pension plan (RPP) offered by employers or unions, with 2 in 3 women having an RPP being in the public sector compared to 2 in 5 men.ix However, a closer analysis reveals that the declining gender pay gap in the public sector is associated with salary caps being placed on high-earning professions (e.g. senior management and health professionals) rather than an increase in women’s wages (MacDonald, 2024). Therefore, the gender pay gap appears to be decreasing on paper, in reality, women’s earning potential remains stunted even if they are in well-paid professions such as health care and senior management in the public sector because of salary caps. Over the long-term, women professionals in the public sector still will not be able to match the private retirement contributions of male professionals in the private sector.
Private pension plans often lack a gender-based analysis (GBA+) in design, another contributing factor to the gender pension gap.x Private pension plans are market-driven, meaning that they are earnings-based and do not account for the gendered employment patterns such as part-time or short-term employment or career gaps that many working women experience.xi For example, defined contribution (DC) plans privilege early contributions to enable greater return on investment. Unfortunately, this design feature often coincides with the life phase of pregnancy or raising children for women, resulting in contribution gaps and reduced pension payouts in the long run.xii
Although contributory plans are now regulated to continue to accrue pension benefits while employees are on parental or emergency leave,xiii professional women who are also mothers experience a “motherhood penalty.” The “motherhood penalty” refers to women who are mothers being perceived to be less competent or loyal by employers, which in turn contributes to reduced wages and thus, impacts their financial ability to contribute to private pensions plans. xiv The significant pay gap between employed mothers and fathers, for instance, demonstrates the financial penalties for working mothers; for men with children in the public sector, their hourly wage is 7% higher than women with children, which doubles in the private sector where men with children earn 14.9% more than women with children.xv
Another contributing factor is intimate partner violence. Women are more likely to be survivors of intimate partner violence (IPV), and thus experience the deleterious consequences IPV has on employment histories and finances. For example, controlling and isolation tactics used by the abuser affect a woman’s capacity to build professional networks and skills, impact a survivor’s access to basic documentation or needs necessary to gaining employment, such as stable housing, personal government IDs, professional clothing, and computer or internet access.xvi Survivors may also need to take time away from work entirely to address legal and safety concerns related to the abuse. This can lead to resume gaps that are difficult to explain to potential employers.xvii Many IPV survivors also experience economic and financial abuse through which the abuser aims to sabotage education or employment opportunities, control access to finances and economic resources (like transportation, food, and clothing) or exploit the survivor such as stealing or gambling a survivor’s wages.xviii Economic and financial abuse often continues after leaving an abusive relationship, leading to lasting economic and financial setbacks. The factors discussed compound over the life course to impact a woman’s ability to create economic and financial security in retirement.
What is the social cost of the gender pension gap?
Poverty amongst Canadian older adults is an epidemic. Poverty undermines the financial security, health and well-being of older Canadians. The latest National Ageing Survey in Canada shows the link between income and health: 40% of Canadians aged 50 years and older are neither in good health nor have inadequate household incomes (about 6 million older Canadians).xix
Across Canada, 11% of women aged 55-64 are low-income (after tax), growing to 14% of women aged 65-74 and 21% for women over the age of 75.xx In Toronto, 2 out of 5 (42.4%) of older women (65+ years) have after-tax incomes that are below $20,000, compared to one-third (31.2%) of older men in Toronto with incomes below $20,000.xxi
The gender pension gap is a structural issue contributing to older women’s poverty and ill-being. With the rising costs of living and increasing demands on the Canadian healthcare system and other care services to support older adults ageing in place, the gender pension gap acts as a barrier for senior women to be able to achieve economic justice and an equitable standard of living in Canada.
What can be done?
Addressing the gender pension gap requires tackling interconnected aspects of gender inequality. Some key areas to address include closing the gender pay gap, improving gender diversity and inclusion in the workplace, and ensuring supports for survivors are accessible to rebuild their lives.
WomanACT works collaboratively to eradicate gender-based violence through research, education, and advocacy. Learn more about our work and how you can get involved as a community ally to survivors of violence: https://womanact.ca/
For more information, resources, and training about elder abuse prevention, visit Elder Abuse Prevention Ontario or Canadian Network for the Prevention of Elder Abuse.
For crisis and safety planning for older adults experiencing elder abuse or gender-based violence, please call the 24-hour/7 days a-week Seniors Safety Helpline: 1-866-299-1011 (Ontario residents only) or 1-866-299-0008 (TTY).
For more senior supports and services across Ontario, search 211.ontario.ca.
For more supports and services specific to gender-based violence, search Mulberry Finder.
1. The terms “women” or “woman” used in this blog are inclusive of all woman-identifying individuals, including trans women, cis-gendered women, and non-binary persons.
2. This blog focuses on the experiences of woman-identifying individuals due to limited word count. WomanACT recognizes that social identities, such as race, ethnicity, immigration status, disability, or sexuality, intersect with gender and lead to different experiences of the gender pay gap and gender pension gap. As a general pattern, Black, Indigenous, racialized, immigrant women and gender-diverse people, as well as individuals living with disabilities, will experience a larger gender pension gap exacerbated by systemic racism and ableism, which contributes to intergenerational poverty. An intersectional analysis of the gender pension gap can be found at Ontario Pay Equity Office: Gender Pension Gap | Pay Equity Office (gov.on.ca)
[i] Pay Equity Office of Ontario. (2023). What is the Gender Pension Gap? Gender Pension Gap. https://payequity.gov.on.ca/gender-pension-gap/
[ii] Ibid.
[iii] Statistics Canada. (July 13, 2022). Private Retirement Income. Dictionary, Census of Population 2021. https://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2021/ref/dict/az/definition-eng.cfm?ID=pop194
[iv] Pay Equity Office of Ontario. (2023). Highlights. Gender Pension Gap. https://payequity.gov.on.ca/gender-pension-gap/
[v] Drolet, M. & Amini, M.M. (September 21, 2023). Intersectional perspective on the Canadian gender wage gap. Statistics Canada. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-20-0002/452000022023002-eng.htm
[vi] The Prosperity Project. (2023). The Zero Report: 2023 Annual Report Card on Gender Diversity and Leadership. https://blog.canadianprosperityproject.ca/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/TPP_ARC_2023_EN.pdf
[vii] Ibid.
[viii] Macdonald, D. (February 28, 2024). How the public sector is fighting income inequality (and why it’s still not enough). The Monitor. https://monitormag.ca/reports/how-the-public-sector-is-fighting-income-inequality-and-why-its-still-not-enough/
[ix] Statistics Canada. (June 23, 2023). Pension plans in Canada, as of January 1, 2022. Statistics Canada. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/daily-quotidien/230623/dq230623b-eng.htm
[x] Shilton, E. (2013). Gender Risk and Employment Pension Plans in Canada. Canadian Labour & Employment Law Journal, 101-141. https://ssrn.com/abstract=2302820
[xi] Ibid.
[xii] Ibid.
[xiii] Financial Services Regulatory Authority of Ontario. (n.d.). Events that may affect your pension. https://www.fsrao.ca/consumers/pensions/events-may-affect-your-pension
[xiv] Macdonald, D. (February 28, 2024). How the public sector is fighting income inequality (and why it’s still not enough). The Monitor. https://monitormag.ca/reports/how-the-public-sector-is-fighting-income-inequality-and-why-its-still-not-enough/
[xv] Ibid.
[xvi] Interval House. (2016). Barriers to Employability and Employment for Women Survivors of Intimate Partner Violence. https://intervalhouse.ca/wp-content/uploads/2018/05/Barriers-Report.pdf
[xvii] Ibid.
[xviii] Postmus, J. L., Plummer, S. B., McMahon, S., Murshid, N. S., & Kim, M. S. (2012). Understanding economic abuse in the lives of survivors. Journal of interpersonal violence, 27(3), 411–430. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260511421669
[xix] Iciaszczyk, N., Neuman, K., Brierley, A., MacDonald, BJ & Sinha, SK. (2023). Perspectives on Growing Older in Canada: The 2023 NIA Ageing in Canada Survey. National Institute on Ageing, Toronto Metropolitan University. https://www.niageing.ca/2023-annual-survey
[xx] Statistics Canada. (2020). Low-income status by age, gender, and year: Canada, provinces and territories, census metropolitan areas and census agglomerations with parts [data set]. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/t1/tbl1/en/tv.action?pid=9810010201&pickMembers%5B0%5D=1.1&pickMembers%5B1%5D=2.3&pickMembers%5B2%5D=3.1
[xxi] Queiser, S., Maddox, R., Wilson, B. & de Jesus-Bretschneider, A. (August 2020). Senior Poverty & Inequity: The Toronto Experience. Social Planning Toronto and Well Living House. https://www.socialplanningtoronto.org/senior_poverty_report
WomanACT’s 2024 Pre-Budget Submission
Violence against women is not only a human rights violation but has devastating physical, emotional, social and economic consequences for women. Housing, homelessness, and intimate partner violence (IPV) are deeply connected. Violence is one of the leading causes of homelessness and housing instability among women and children.[i] One Canadian study found that 75% of women and gender-diverse people experiencing homelessness had experienced violence and trauma in their lifetime.[ii] A lack of access to housing, in addition to a lack of access to income, prevents women from leaving violent situations or lead them into precarious housing conditions. This puts survivors in high-risk situations and often forces them to have to return to their violent home. According to the UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women, housing must be safe, which includes protection of women and girls against domestic violence.[iii] Therefore, women living in situations of violence are also experiencing a direct violation of their right to housing.
In preparation for Budget 2024, we propose strategic investments aimed at integrating the concept of “hidden homelessness” into the City’s data collection processes and housing programs. Survivors of gender-based violence can experience homelessness due to a lack of access to safe and secure housing. They may be unable to access the local housing market for various reasons, such as the stigma associated with gender-based violence or because they are unable to afford rent. Because of these barriers, survivors are likely to go to an emergency shelter (35%) or stay with family (22%) or friends (18%) as their initial housing option.[iv] In some cases, they may be living in cars or other temporary arrangements. Unfortunately, this type of homelessness is frequently omitted from official government statistics, rendering it “hidden” and complicating accurate measurement and targeted interventions. When the extent of the problem is underestimated, the necessary support and resources are not provided to those affected.
WomanACT strongly urges the City of Toronto to thoroughly review its data collection policies and commit additional resources to enhance the accuracy of data for intimate partner violence and human trafficking. We encourage the City to engage in advocacy and collaborative efforts with the Federal and Provincial governments to bring about policy changes that include “hidden homelessness.” WomanACT continues to be willing to provide support in advocating at different levels of government.
Moreover, we recommend that the City of Toronto allocate increased resources to housing programs, fostering a more inclusive framework for survivors of gender-based violence. A critical aspect involves reviewing the backlogs of the existing housing programs, adjusting eligibility criteria to include hidden homelessness and implementing relevant mechanisms to prioritize survivors of gender-based violence who are at risk of becoming homeless.
In 2022, WomanACT, in collaboration with Angus Reid, conducted an extensive poll involving 1550 Torontonians to assess safety issues within the transit system. The findings revealed that a staggering 90% of respondents had experienced harassment while using the TTC, and women were more likely to feel unsafe and experience harassment.[v] Given that women exhibit a higher propensity for transit utilization than men, it undeniably represents a pronounced gender-related concern.
The poll indicated that most riders (82%) felt that transit could be made safer with the right investments. Women rated good lighting in and around transit stops, security features such as cameras and emergency buttons, and request-stop programs as the most promising measures.
Moreover, 95% of participants stressed the importance of providing information to the public and transit personnel on identifying and intervening in instances of harassment. The consensus was clear — women’s groups should be actively consulted in developing public transit safety initiatives.
The poll underscored that the top reasons for women opting for alternative modes of transportation over the TTC were a reluctance to wait and issues related to overcrowding. Over half of the respondents articulated a need for increased service frequency. Importantly, women from low-income backgrounds and racialized communities often lack alternative transportation options, making them particularly vulnerable to the ramifications of transit inadequacies.
In light of these findings, we strongly urge the City of Toronto to invest in public awareness/education to support riders in knowing how to keep safe in transit. Additionally, leveraging the insights and recommendations provided by the users will bolster safety further, promote inclusivity, and contribute to the overall enhancement of the transit experience for women and gender-diverse individuals in our community.
The current economic challenges, compounded by the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic, are intensifying the difficulties faced by women experiencing domestic abuse. This financial strain creates additional obstacles, making it challenging for women to leave abusive situations while maintaining economic stability. The limited housing options necessitate women to leave their homes for safety, resulting in heightened housing and economic instability.
To address this, the City of Toronto should take steps to provide survivors with access to affordable housing. This requires a focus on sufficient affordable housing, investment in diverse housing options, prioritization of housing needs for marginalized communities and those at risk of violence, and policy measures supporting survivors to live free from violence in their homes.
The implementation of Safe at Home programs, proven effective in Alberta, the United Kingdom, and Australia, offers additional options for survivors. These programs enable women to stay safely in their existing homes or transition to independent housing with minimal disruption. Through legal tools, safety measures, and comprehensive support services, Safe at Home programs work to remove perpetrators from homes, minimizing harm to women and children. Collaboration among core partners, including community agencies, the criminal justice system, housing providers, and child protection services, has been instrumental in their success.
WomanACT’s two-year research and policy analysis demonstrates that 76% of survivors prefer the option to stay in their homes or independent housing, with less than 10% opting for shelters or staying with family and friends. By implementing mechanisms and allocating resources to facilitate survivors remaining safely in their homes with the perpetrator removed, the City of Toronto can address a significant barrier hindering survivors safety.
WomanACT proposes strategic investments in enhancing the coordination of existing community tables, to ensure they are using a GBV lens and assessing for evidenced-based risk indicators for intimate partner violence. The aim is to effectively reduce lethality in high-risk IPV cases.
In addition, we know existing community tables review a high volume of cases for multiple marginalized/vulnerable groups. We also advocate for developing an IPV-specific community high-risk table to align with the existing community tables and support risk management of IPV-specific cases in the city. This tailored approach ensures alignment with existing community initiatives, fostering a joint comprehensive and targeted safety planning to respond to IPV. By strategically investing in these high-risk table initiatives, the City of Toronto can fortify its commitment to finding solutions to address the gender- based violence epidemic in Toronto.
As an organization actively involved in collaborative efforts with the City through strategic partnerships with the Gender Equity Office, SafeTO, and HousingTO, we strongly advocate for substantial investments to support the effective implementation and inter-divisional collaboration of gender equity initiatives.
While the development of a gender-equity office and work plan for the unit is a start, the animation and implementation of the Gender Equity unit’s work plan is contingent upon the availability of adequate resources, and strategic cooperation among different City divisions and community organizations. This entails securing a budget to facilitate permanent staffing for coordinating and collaborating activities, allocating appropriate funding for each strategic action and providing resources to support external advisory activities.
Our organization looks forward to sustained collaboration with the City of Toronto to realize a secure and equitable environment for women and gender-diverse individuals.
We recommend supporting and establishing a network of specialists that focuses on support for senior women facing abuse. By fostering effective connections, the City can enhance the accessibility of services, promote timely intervention, and create a more protective and supportive environment for vulnerable senior women within the community. The network should focus on raising awareness of the needs of senior women (public education), developing referral pathways and engaging survivors to inform and engage in system change.
A significant discovery from WomanACT’s research on economic abuse and senior women highlights a recurring theme in existing literature. Notably, senior immigrant women are less inclined to report abuse or seek assistance.[vi] Beyond language and isolation barriers, there exists a pervasive fear among senior immigrant women regarding reporting instances of abuse. Stakeholders, including women and service providers, emphasized the imperative of addressing ‘women’s isolation and enhancing access to services, particularly those responsive to the intersecting needs of our diverse communities in Toronto. It was underscored that increasing the community’s and senior women’s knowledge of their rights and available resources is crucial for establishing financial independence and, ultimately, a life free from violence.
Furthermore, service providers also stressed the importance of building the capacity of services to identify and comprehend the available support for victims of abuse.
In response to the pressing issue of Intimate Partner Violence and Gender-Based Violence, we strongly advocate for the City of Toronto to allocate dedicated resources towards the implementation of targeted public education campaigns. This strategic investment is critical in elevating community awareness, cultivating a culture of consciousness, and substantively contributing to the prevention and early intervention initiatives against intimate partner violence within our City.
By prioritizing resources for public education, the City has the opportunity to proactively engage and empower its residents. Through well-designed campaigns, we can equip the community with the knowledge and tools needed to recognize the signs of intimate partner violence, encouraging early intervention and support. Furthermore, fostering a culture of awareness will promote a collective responsibility to address and mitigate the impact of intimate partner violence on individuals and families. This recommendation aligns with our commitment to building a safer and more informed community, emphasizing the importance of education as a powerful tool in addressing complex societal issues. The allocation of resources for public education campaigns will not only contribute to the immediate well-being of those affected by intimate partner violence but will also establish a foundation for long.
[i]Baker, C.K., Billhardt, K.A., Warren, J., Rollins, C and Glass, N.E. (2010). Domestic Violence, Housing Instability, and Homelessness: A Review of Housing Policies and Program Practices for Meeting the Needs of Survivors. Aggression and Violent Behavior, 15 (6), 430–39.
[ii]Schwan, K., Vaccaro, M., Reid, L., Ali, N., & Baig, K. (2021). The Pan-Canadian women’s housing & homelessness survey. Canadian Observatory on Homelessness.
[iii]United Nations Human Rights. Officer of the High Commissioner. Women and the right to adequate housing. https://www.ohchr.org/en/issues/housing/pages/womenandhousing.aspx
[iv]Klingbaum A. (2022) “A Place of My Own” Survivors’ Perspectives on the Safe at Home Housing Model, accessed https://womanact.ca/wp- content/uploads/2022/11/WomanACT_A-Place-of-My-Own-Report.pdf
[v]WomanACT, Infographic: Women and public transit in Toronto (2022) accessed https://womanact.ca/publications/infographic-women-and-public-transit-in-toronto/
[vi]Roger, K.S. Brownridge,D.A., & Ursel, J. (2014) Theorizing low levels of reporting of abuse of older immigrant women. Volence Against Women, 424-434
Violence against women is one of the main causes of homelessness and housing instability among women and children.
Approximately 30% of Canada’s homeless population are women, 91% of whom have also endured some form of violence or assault in their lifetime.
Women’s homelessness is often less visible, and women are more likely to stay with family or friends than they are to access shelters or stay on the streets.
Monica* is a survivor of domestic violence. She fled her home with her young child in 2015. While trying to figure out where to go and how to secure private housing on her own, she began sleeping on couches and in basements.
When women leave their home to escape violence, they face limited housing options and numerous barriers. There is a lack of affordable housing options available to women and women often report experiencing discrimination from landlords based on having children and being a survivor of domestic violence, as well as stringent eligibility requirements and costs associated with accessing housing. WomanACT’s Successful Tenancies research found that 64% of respondents have experienced discrimination from landlords when applying to rental housing, with most common forms based on income source, marital status, and race and/or ethnicity.
As a single mother, Monica routinely met landlords not wanting to rent to her.
Unable to find a rental apartment or house for her and her son, Monica stayed at a local shelter. During this time, she continued to look for housing in the private rental market. After 6 months, she finally found a landlord through an online housing website that rented to her. Monica spends approximately 70% of her income on rent.
Leaving home when fleeing violence causes significant life disruptions to survivors. Survivors often lose their jobs because of relocating, lose touch with friends and connections from neighbourhood, and are forced to change their children’s school or childcare. This wasn’t any different for Monica. Moving from place to place was tiring for her and hard on her son. Even with multiple disruptions, Monica can find a source of gratefulness. One thing that she is thankful for is that her son did not have to change schools through all the relocation.
Unfortunately, leaving the home and finding new housing doesn’t always equate to safety. Monica is still faced with abusive emails from her ex-partner.
In her current housing situation, she feels under surveillance by her landlord.
She lives in fear of losing her housing and finds herself telling her son to keep quiet and not make a lot of noise to not upset her landlord.
Access to safe and affordable housing will prevent further violence and allow women to have stability, but it also requires good landlords and housing providers.
Check out more research findings from WomanACT’s Successful Tenancies project.
*The name ‘Monica’ is a pseudonym to safeguard the identity of the survivor in this blog.
Older women are disproportionately affected by violence. Older women are victims in 58% of family violence cases in Canada[i] and are twice as likely to be victims of intimate partner violence than older men. [ii] In 2021, older women in Ontario had a 12% higher rate of femicide than women aged 18-34.[iii] Typically, the perpetrator is a current or former intimate partner or a male family member like an adult son, son-in-law, or grandson.[iv] These statistics illustrate the significant risk of gender-based violence for women aged 55 and over in their homes and communities.
WomanACT’s Aging, Gender, Equality, and Safety (AGES) project conducted research that engaged with survivors aged 55 years and older to understand better the experiences, needs, and risk factors of older women affected by violence. Survivors shared how aging and gender inequality intersect in many areas of their lives, shaping their risk and experiences of violence.
This blog shares what we heard in our focus groups from older survivors about gender-based violence and key themes from literature to illustrate the experiences of older women affected by violence. These insights aim to increase the knowledge and understanding of services and practitioners to provide age-inclusive wrap-around support for older gender-based violence survivors.
What are the experiences of older women experiencing violence?
Some researchers advocate for a lifespan approach to understanding violence against older women.[v] A lifespan approach examines the different experiences of violence and power across a women’s lifespan to understand how they interconnect.[vi] Ageism and gender inequality represent significant societal power imbalances that can enable, compound, and perpetuate gender-based violence.[vii] Gender inequality is widely understood as an overarching societal structure whereby individuals are discriminated against based on gender or sexual identity.[viii] Similarly, ageism is a societal construct that perpetuates differential treatment based on age.[ix] Like gender inequality, ageism can show up at the individual level, such as stereotypes about older people as frail or confused, or at the institutional level, such as having systems or programs not designed to meet the needs of older women.[x]
The survivors we spoke with shared their experiences of how ageism and gender inequality compounded to shape their experiences of violence.
Ageism and experiences of gender-based violence
A couple of AGES participants shared how perpetrators used ageist stereotypes as a tactic of emotional abuse or control. For example, a survivor shared how:
This experience illustrates how perpetrators draw upon ageist stereotypes, such as slower cognition, in an attempt to make victims feel bad about themselves and undermine their perception of the abuse.
Survivors who experience abuse in their older age expressed that the physical changes accompanying aging exacerbated their experience of abuse. For example, they shared how they felt that their age made physical and emotional abuse “more difficult to deal with” and “harder to bounce back” from. Other participants felt that there are “more chances to get hurt” from the abuse in their older years or that the abuse may worsen underlying health issues like diabetes or heart problems.
The insights from survivors align with findings in academic literature. Research shows that women aged 55 or more who are survivors of intimate partner or family violence experience long-term health effects, such as depression, anxiety, chronic pain[xi], and sexual trauma.[xii] Additionally, changes to their health or financial status, such as a decline in physical or cognitive capacity or retirement, can increase an older survivor’s sense of dependency on those within their immediate social circle, like friends or family relations.[xiii] In short, the physical and societal realities of aging can make experiences of gender-based violence worse and further isolate survivors from seeking help or reporting abuse.
Ageism within the service system
Survivors shared their experiences of ageism with services and practitioners. Some participants felt service providers dismissed or downplayed their experiences of abuse because of their age. For example, one participant recalled how her memory of the abuse was questioned because of her age; other participants recounted how service providers told them they were being too sensitive and overreacting.
A common myth participants spoke about was the misperception that older survivors were well-established members of society with access to substantial financial resources or social supports, like friends or co-workers. Survivors believed this misperception contributed to downplaying the seriousness of abuse and led to a lack of urgency in responding to their experiences of violence as an older woman. For example, a participant shared:
The survivor’s experience illustrates the difference between an ageist stereotype, such as being an established older woman with financial resources, and the lived experience of gender-based violence, which left her economically insecure. Her story illustrates how ageism is a reality within the services and systems from which older survivors seek support.
What we’ve heard from survivors adds to existing research about systemic ageism for older survivors. Research shows that older adults experience age discrimination from various services and systems, including landlords, healthcare providers, social services, and employers.[xiv] Examples include being denied rental housing because of a perceived incapacity to live independently[xv] or dismissing signs of abuse and trauma as aging.[xvi] Systemic ageism also appears as a lack of age-inclusive services across sectors, leaving many services unable to respond to older survivors’ health and age-related needs. For example, research consistently highlights the lack of appropriate and affordable housing options for older survivors[xvii], the inability of domestic violence services to provide health and medical care[xviii], and a lack of age-inclusive outreach materials and programs.[xix]
Gender inequality across the lifespan
The survivors we spoke with also shared some of the many ways gender inequality specifically impacted their experiences of violence and prevented them from seeking help. For instance, gender norms about women as caregivers persisted even at later life stages. Some participants shared how they perceived it more difficult to leave or change an abusive relationship because it would be disruptive to their older children. As stated by one participant:
In the violence against older women literature, studies have shown that some older survivors have a sense of caregiving obligation to their intimate partner, despite the abuse, and may believe that the perpetrator is better off in their care rather than in an institutional setting, like mental health and addictions systems.[xx]
Gendered experiences of economic insecurity also significantly impinge older survivors’ experiences. For instance, older women in Canada are more likely to be living in poverty due to the gender wage gap and gender pension gap. According to Ontario’s Pay Equity Office, Canadian women only make 82 cents in retirement income compared to Canadian men.[xxi] Additionally, the gender wage gap of Canadian women aged 65 and older is 3.9% higher than those aged 35-44.[xxii]
AGES project participants shared how intimate partner violence reduced their economic security over the long term as an outcome of economic abuse and decreased financial independence. According to one participant:
It is particularly telling that many services lacked the capacity to improve the financial security of older survivors. One participant shared how difficult it was to get support for the financial abuse she was experiencing:
It is a clear message from older survivors that improving their economic security was front of mind. Unfortunately, experiences of gender inequality and gender-based violence during their lifespan limits their capacity to build that economic and financial security. It is equally unfortunate that many services are not currently addressing this significant gap.
How to better support older women experiencing violence?
Services and practitioners can better support older women experiencing violence by being more responsive to older survivors’ intersecting challenges and needs. Unfortunately, existing approaches to elder abuse lack a gendered analysis[xxiii], and responses to violence against women rarely incorporate attention to age and ageism.[xxiv] Developing responsive and preventative violence against older women and elder abuse strategies and programs must be centered on the experiences, needs, and perspectives of older women survivors of violence.
Our recommendations for creating an inclusive and responsive service system for older women experiencing violence include the following:
Supporting older women’s leadership
Social and community services need to intentionally empower and engage older women to counter the impacts of ageism. This means engaging older survivors in designing and evaluating programs and services. Intergenerational and peer support opportunities also help older survivors to form social bonds with others experiencing similar situations.
Improving collaboration and accessibility
Services and systems need to be age-inclusive and accessible. This means collaboration and coordination across social and community agencies that work with older women who are survivors, such as health and mental health professionals, gender-based violence services, and senior services or elder abuse agencies. Cross-sectoral collaboration maximizes resources and strengthens programs so that older survivors have wrap-around support for age and trauma-related needs.
Community agencies also need to be more proactive in their outreach strategies and go to where older survivors are, such as senior programs, faith organizations, doctor’s offices, or grocery stores.
Training and education
Preventing and responding to violence against older women requires sustained public education and training. WomanACT has launched two e-learning micro-lessons to raise awareness and build professional capacity to identify and respond to violence against older women. For more information, check out https://womanact.thinkific.com/.
For more information on violence against older women
Chellapermal, P. (2021). Economic abuse among senior immigrant women. Woman Abuse Council of Toronto. https://womanact.ca/publications/economic-abuse-among-senior-immigrant-women-literature-and-research-report/
The Ontario Association of Interval & Transition Houses. (2023). Aging without violence. https://www.oaith.ca/oaith-work/aging-without-violence/i-provide-professional-support/vaow-handouts-and-tools.html
Woman Abuse Council of Toronto (2023). Violence against older women infographics. https://womanact.ca/our-work/publications/?issue=54&type=
[i] Conroy, S. & Sutton, D. (2022). Violence against Seniors and their Perceptions of Safety in Canada. Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-002-x/2022001/article/00011-eng.htm
[ii] Ibid
[iii] Hancock, H. (2022). Taking Count & Taking Action: 2020-2021 Femicide in Ontario Report. Ontario Association of Interval & Transition Houses. https://www.oaith.ca/assets/library/Taking-Count-And-Taking-Action-2020-2021-Femicide-In-Ontario-Report.pdf
[iv] Conroy, S. & Sutton, D. (2022). Violence against Seniors and their Perceptions of Safety in
Canada. Canadian Centre for Justice and Community Safety Statistics. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/85-002-x/2022001/article/00011-eng.htm
[v] Walsh, C.A., Lohfeld, L., Ploeg, J. & Lai, D.W.L. (2007). Violence Across the Lifespan: Interconnections Among Forms of Abuse as Described by Marginalized Canadian Elders and their Care-givers. British Journal of Social Work, 37(3), 491-412. https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcm022.
[vi]Ibid.
[vii] Latzman, N.E., D’Inverno, A.S., Niolon, P.H. & Reidy, D.E. (2018). Gender Inequality and Gender Based Violence: Extensions to Adolescent Dating Violence. In D.A. Wolfe & J.R. Temple (Eds.), Adolescent Dating Violence: Theory, research, and prevention, (pp.283-314). Elsevier.
[viii] European Institute for Gender Equality. (20203). Gender Inequality. https://eige.europa.eu/publications-resources/thesaurus/terms/1329?language_content_entity=en
[ix] Canadian Centre for Elder Law. (2017). We are Not All the Same: Key law, policy and practice strategies for improving the lives of older women in the lower mainland. https://www.bcli.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/OlderWomenDialogueReportMarch_2017Web.pdf
[x] Ontario Human Rights Commission. (2001). Time for Action: Advancing human rights for
older Ontarians. https://www.ohrc.on.ca/en/time-action-advancing-human-rights-older-ontarians
[xi] Fisher, B.S., Regan, S.L., & Zink, T. (2011). Abuses Against Older Women: Prevalence and health effects. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 26(2), 254-268. https://doi.org/10.1177/0886260510362877
[xii] Bows, H. (2018). Sexual Violence Against Older People: A Review of the Empirical Literature. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 19(5), 567–583. https://doi.org/10.1177/1524838016683455
[xiii] Walsh, C.A., Ploeg, J., Lohfeld, L., Lai, D. (2007) Violence across the Lifespan: Interconnections among forms of abuse as described by marginalized Canadian elders and their care-givers. The British Journal of Social Work, 37(3), 491-412. https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcm022
[xiv] Sinha, S.K., Griffin, B., Ringer, T., Reppas-Rindlisbacher, C., Stewart, E., Wong, I., Callan, S., Anderson, G. (2016). An Evidence-Informed National Seniors Strategy for Canada – 2nd edition. Toronto, ON: Alliance for a National Seniors Strategy.
[xv] Canadian Centre for Elder Law. (2017). We are Not All the Same: Key law, policy and practice strategies for improving the lives of older women in the lower mainland. https://www.bcli.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/03/OlderWomenDialogueReportMarch_2017Web.pdf
[xvi] Breckman, R., Levin, M., Mantrone, L., & Solomon, J. (2020). The Things They Carry:
Advancing trauma-informed responses to elder abuse. NYC Elder Abuse Center. https://eapon.ca/wp-content/uploads/2021/09/TheThingsTheyCarry-JAN2020.pdf
[xvii] Ontario Association of Interval and Transition Houses. (2019). Final Report: Elder abuse
network community consultations. https://www.oaith.ca/assets/files/assets/AWV%20EAN%20Community%20Consultations%20Report-%20June%202019-%20English%20FINAL%20(2).docx
[xviii] Atira Women’s Resource Society. (2015) Promising Practices Across Canada for Housing
Women who are Older and Fleeing Abuse. https://atira.bc.ca/wp-content/uploads/Promising-Practices-for-Housing-Women-who-are-Older.pdf
[xix] Beaulaurier, R.L., Seff, L.R., & Newman, F.L. (2008). Barriers to Help-Seeking for Older
Women who Experience IPV: A descriptive model. Journal of Women & Aging, 20 (3-4), 231-248. https://doi.org/10.1080/08952840801984543
[xx] Beaulaurier, R.L., Seff, L.R., & Newman, F.L. (2008). Barriers to Help-Seeking for Older Women who Experience IPV: A descriptive model. Journal of Women & Aging, 20 (3-4), 231-248. https://doi.org/10.1080/08952840801984543
[xxi] Ontario Pay Equity Office. (2023). Gender Pension Gap. https://payequity.gov.on.ca/gender-pension-gap/
[xxii] Moyser, M. (2019, August 30). Measuring and Analyzing the Gender Pay Gap: A Conceptual and Methodological Overview. Statistics Canada. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/45-20-0002/452000022019001-eng.htm
[xxiii] Weeks, L., Dupuis-Blanchard, S., Arseneault, R., MacQuarrie, C., Gagnon, D., & LeBlanc, G.M. (2018). Exploring Gender and Elder Abuse from the Perspective of Professionals. Journal of Elder Abuse & Neglect, 30(2), 127-143. https://doi.org/10.1080/08946566.2017.1388756
[xxiv] Edwards, Peggy. (2009). Elder Abuse in Canada: Gender-based analysis. Division of Aging and Seniors, Public Health Agency of Canada. https://www.vawlearningnetwork.ca/webinars/recorded-webinars/2015/Elder_abuse_in_Canada-A_gender_based_analysis.pdf
This blog originally appeared on Homeless Hub.
Survivors of gender-based violence can experience homelessness due to lack of access to safe and secure housing. They may be unable to access the local housing market for various reasons, such as the stigma associated with gender-based violence, or because they cannot afford rent. Due to these barriers, survivors are likely to go to an emergency shelter (35%) or stay with family (22%) or friends (18%) as their initial housing option. In some cases, they may live in cars or other temporary arrangements.
This type of homelessness is often overlooked and therefore “hidden” in official government statistics and research, making it more difficult to accurately measure and address the issue. The ‘invisibility’ of these experiences of homelessness means that the extent of the problem is often underestimated, and the necessary support and resources are not provided to those affected.
WomanACT’s Successful Tenancies research worked with survivors to understand their experiences navigating the private rental market in Toronto.
Case study: Sara
Sara’s temporary housing journey started when she decided she would not put up with the recurring violence from her husband and decided to leave her home.
Like many women in this situation, she called for help from her family and sought refuge at her brother’s house despite years of estrangement. Although her brother was willing to provide her with a safe haven, staying with him was not the same as returning home. The tension between them was palpable, and it was difficult for her to feel at peace in such an unfamiliar and awkward atmosphere.
Her words highlight a tension between gratitude for housing and frustration with living in inadequate circumstances. In this case, her temporary housing led to stress, fear, physical discomfort, and frustration.
WomanACT’s research reveals that like Sara, many women in temporary housing struggle with these conflicting emotions. When asked about how they felt about temporary housing, some of the research participants shared that they felt “hopeless”, “anxious”, “overwhelmed” and “uncomfortable”. While others expressed more positive feelings such as “thoughtful”, “grateful” and “fortunate”. For many women, temporary housing is only a short-term solution to a long-term problem. It can also be a source of stress and insecurity, as women struggle to make sense of their new environment and adjust to a new lifestyle.
All of the survivors who participated in the research had at least one issue regarding the safety, privacy, or the conditions of the house where they were temporarily residing. Some of them did not have access to a private room or a bathroom. Others had to live in an isolated or remote area without any work opportunities or with scarce transportation facilities and limited access to services.
The lack of a safe and private space to call home can prevent individuals from feeling a sense of belonging or feeling connected to their community, which is an essential part of having a home. The research illustrates that having a home is about more than just having a physical space to live in, but about having access to resources, opportunities, and a sense of safety and security within one’s environment.
Barriers to Stability
Sara’s experience also highlights how many women in temporary housing are working on becoming more resilient and trying to stabilize themselves financially. However, there are many obstacles that they must overcome in order to achieve these things.
Nonetheless she does not give in. She tries to re-build her life by developing a community.
Sara’s experience is an example of how homelessness is broader than male-centric definitions like sleeping rough or living in shelters. Sara defines homelessness as “when you don’t have a place you go to everyday where you are safe, and when you cannot be independent to take care of yourself.”
Her hopes for the future provide us with an answer to the question of what makes a place a “home’:
Next Steps: Working to Expand Housing Options
Using this knowledge, Successful Tenancies plans to increase the capacity of housing providers to better meet the needs of survivors of gender-based violence, through training, building networks and partnerships.
WomanACT is conducting research to better understand the policies, programs, and practices that support women to remain in their own home when leaving a violent relationship. We engage survivors and stakeholders to work together, develop policy recommendations and advocate for system change.
Why is financial literacy a gender issue?
Globally, there is a persistent gender gap in financial literacy. Financial literacy is understood as having the skills, knowledge, and capacity to make informed financial decisions. Studies show that while the gap is closing, women in Canada continue to have lower financial literacy scores than men.
The gender gap is a little baffling, especially in countries like Canada where more women than men are attending University. But, differences in financial literacy matter. With women living longer than men and already confronted by many systemic barriers to economic security, financial literacy can lead to better financial outcomes, including savings, investments, wealth accumulation and planning for retirement. Understanding the gender gap in financial literacy is then key to developing strategies to close this gap and improve women’s economic outcomes.
So, what’s behind the gender gap in financial literacy? With an increasing number of studies into the issue, there are a few common explanations found across literature.
1. Stereotype threat: Described as the impact of internalizing a stereotype attributed to a group of people, studies have found that stereotypes and attitudes about women’s ability to understand and manage finances directly influence women’s confidence when performing financial tasks.[i],[ii] For example, studies have found that stereotypes undermine women’s performance on financial tests[iii] and that although women frequently make good financial decisions, they feel more anxiety than men when doing so.[iv] When asked about their own financial knowledge, women tend to score themselves lower than men.[v]
2. Socio-economic differences: High levels of education and income are associated with higher levels of financial literacy. This is not to say that people living on lower incomes do not have significant financial knowledge and skills. However, studies show that across genders, as income increases, so does financial literacy. Interestingly, financial services are often designed for and directed towards middle and higher-income households. This is problematic for women, especially some populations of women, including Indigenous, racialized, immigrant and women living with disabilities, who are more likely to be engaged in precarious and low-income employment.
3. Financial decision-making roles within households: The responsibility and decision making of household finances is still very gendered. Women are more likely to be responsible for daily financial spending and allocation, yet less likely to engage in the decision making of large financial decisions in the household.[vi] A study by Statistics Canada found that in households where the male partner is mainly responsible for the long term financial management, the male partners performed better on financial literacy questions than women. Some believe that differences in financial literacy are the result of women acquiring less financial knowledge because they are less involved in financial decision making in the home.[vii]
While some of the causes of the gender gap are still contested, they do all have something in common. Despite investments in financial education and programming, gender inequalities – including the myth that women are bad with money – continues to uphold the gender gap in financial literacy.
What does financial literacy have to do with gender-based violence?
Women’s economic wellbeing and safety are deeply connected. Women’s economic insecurity can increase their risk of victimization. It is also a barrier to their safety. We hear consistently that women’s lack of access to money and housing is a key barrier to leaving violent relationships. Violence also has financial consequences. It often results in health costs, legal costs, lost wages, and relocation expenses. Violence can lead to poor credit, coerced debt, and a diminished ability to work.
A common form of gender-based violence, economic abuse, can be hidden by, and reinforced with, gender norms around money. The stereotypes and attitudes around women and money can be used by abusive partners to perpetuate economic abuse – a form of financial gaslighting. Likewise, economic abuse can be difficult to identify because of the gender norms that suggest that men should be managing and making decisions about finances in households.
Women lag, or perhaps just appear to lag, in financial literacy. With gender inequalities at the root, financial literacy programs and solutions should be focusing on tackling the dangerous gender norms and shifting the narratives that are sustaining this gap.
[i] Tinghög, G, Ahmed, A., Barrafrem, K., Lind, T., Skagerlund, K., and Västfjäll, D. (2021). Gender differences in financial literacy: The role of stereotype threat. Journal of Economic Behavior and Organization. 192. 405-416.
[ii] Carr, P. B., and Steele, C. M. (2010). Stereotype Threat Affects Financial Decision Making. Psychological Science, 21(10), 1411–1416.
[iii] Tinghög et al., 2021.
[iv] Lind, T., Ahmed, A., Skagerlund, K. et al. (2020). Competence, Confidence, and Gender: The Role of Objective and Subjective Financial Knowledge in Household Finance. J Fam Econ, 41, 626–638.
[v] Bucher-Koenen, T., Lusardi, A., Alessie, R., and Van Rooij, M. (2017) How financially literate are women? An overview and new insights. Journal of Consumer Affairs,51(2),255–283.
[vi] OECD (2013) Addressing women’s needs for financial education, https://www.oecd.org/daf/fin/financialeducation/OECD_INFE_women_FinEd2013.pdf
[vii] Bucher-Koenen, T., Lusardi, A., Alessie, R., and Van Rooij, M. (2017).
Engaging people with lived experience of gender-based violence is central to WomanACT’s work. Survivors’ personal experiences of systemic barriers is key to creating solutions to overcome them. In addition, survivors’ stories, experiences, and ideas are powerful tools for education and advocacy. Understanding organizational value to engaging people with lived experience, and being open to learning and change, is important to creating organizational readiness to engage people with lived experience.
Improves service quality
Organizations that incorporate people with lived experience into their service design and evaluation shows to improve program outcomes, including program quality and service user satisfaction. People with lived experience provide a personal perspective about how services and initiatives are received based on their own intersecting identities. Organizations can consider a range of opportunities for people with lived experience across all organizational structures to influence different types of decision making across service delivery, such as boards, proposal and program development or evaluation teams.
Increases organizational capacity
Creating collaborative spaces for team members and people with lived experience to jointly explore priority areas for community and system solutions encourages bi-directional knowledge exchange. It also increases the accountability of team members to improve program outcomes. For example, the Centre for Addiction and Mental Health (CAMH) has a program called From Surviving to Advising that aims to pair senior psychiatry residents with service users in recovery to promote mutual growth and understanding. Joint spaces have the added advantage of grounding decision-makers and humanizing discussions that may sometimes get lost in bureaucracy.
Builds trust with the community
Community engagement can be strengthened when facilitated by people with lived experience as they tend to prompt genuine and authentic conversations grounded in their personal experiences. Building trust takes time and can require frank and difficult conversations. For example, WomanACT’s AGES project, which working to improve access to services for senior women experiencing violence, engages senior women as advisors. The senior women also operate as a conduit between the organization and community members and use a snowball approach to engage senior women and community groups.
Promotes trauma-informed organizational development
Trauma-informed organizational development requires organizational processes to evolve from an individual hierarchical-driven approach to collaborative community approaches. Community approaches encourage organizations to intentionally consider how all structures (e.g., boards, leadership, HR, frontline) and services can include people with lived experiences. People with lived experience have insight into how power can manifest and what can be considered to reduce organizational power imbalances. Just as their engagement in community spaces promotes humanizing conversations and breaks down hierarchies, it also does so in organizations.
Survivor engagement with WomanACT
WomanACT engages survivors in advisory, researcher and participant roles across our work. We are often seeking women and gender diverse people with lived experiences of gender-based violence, housing insecurity and poverty to fill advisory and researcher roles. Survivors receive training and are compensated for their time. If you are interested in hearing about upcoming opportunities to engage in our work, please sign up to our mailing list.
Canada wants highly educated immigrants and has been more successful than other countries in attracting them. On average, immigrant women, for instance, have higher levels of formal education than Canadian-born women. However, when immigrant women arrive in Canada, they are confronted by a labour market that is unprepared to make use of their skills and talents.
In a study involving 365 immigrant women professionals in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) released by the Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council (TRIEC) earlier this year, 65% of those surveyed were found to have at least a master’s degree and, on average, had 8 years of work experience on arrival. Yet nearly half took more than six months to land their first job, and, to do so, almost 3 in 5 had to downgrade their qualifications. Surveyed immigrant women also had to accept unpaid work or internships to get “Canadian experience” (43%) and code-switch by changing or shortening their name (22%), adjusting their accent (15%) and altering their appearance (14%) to downplay their identity in a stigmatized group.
As part of the same study, TRIEC also surveyed 608 hiring managers and decision makers in the GTA, with the support of Forum Research. The majority said their organizations have an equity, diversity and inclusion (EDI) policy.
Why then do workplaces continue to fail immigrant women? The short answer is because they do not consider intersectionality.
Intersectionality shows how social identities (e.g., gender, race, ethnicity, immigration/refugee status, age, etc.) and the roles associated with them can overlap to create unique experiences, barriers and opportunities for each person. EDI strategies largely aim for gender balance. They support the recruitment and advancement of dominant-group women, but do not address the historical oppression of multiply marginalized groups that persist in our societies and reinforce workforce exclusion. Strategies that do not prioritize the progress of the most marginalized identities in the workplace are incomplete.
Immigrant women, especially those who are racialized, face considerable challenges to workplace inclusion. Particularly in this period of tight labour market conditions, employers must familiarize themselves with these challenges and then develop appropriate, organization-specific solutions to address them.
Immigrant women are underestimated
“I feel Canada is portrayed as a place that is open to immigrants but the job market isn’t that open … I had a hiring manager tell me that they know I am qualified for a higher role but they need to build trust in my abilities.”
The data paints a bleak picture. In the GTA, 36% of executives across all sectors are women, 14.5% are racialized, 6% are immigrants and 2% are racialized immigrant women. Two in five immigrant women professionals surveyed were in lower level positions than they held in their countries of origin and just 1.0% made it to the C-suite in Canada. Likewise, 26.5% of immigrant women professionals were in entry level positions, compared to just 4.6% pre-immigration. Additionally, about a third of surveyed immigrant women felt that their chances for promotion to senior leadership ranks were much worse than that of their colleagues.
Recruiting and advancing immigrant women, particularly those who are racialized, means including them at the highest levels of an organization where decisions are made. Bringing immigrant women in at levels below their qualifications and demanding that they constantly prove their worth is unacceptable. Research shows that greater diversity is associated with better business performance. The onus must be on organizations to ensure they leverage the full potential of immigrant women.
What can employers do?
Immigrant women are excluded
Bias and discrimination can show up in many ways in the workplace. About 3 in 5 surveyed immigrant women professionals experienced exclusionary behaviours in their day-to-day interactions at work (or “microagressions”), for reasons they primarily attributed to their language or accent (34%), immigrant background (27%), race (24%) and gender (14%). Though immigrant women are not a homogenous group, many of them navigate similar stereotypes in the workplace. Some interviewees explained how they have been labeled as “too aggressive” — a characteristic accepted of men but not of women in the Canadian workplace. Others faced regular comments about their English skills, are interrupted or talked over in meetings and have had their judgement questioned.
Similar to negative, stereotypical feedback, vague feedback also does not help immigrant women enter or advance in the labour market. Several interviewees noted that hiring managers often “ghost” candidates or struggle to give direct feedback that newcomers would find helpful to their job search or promotion strategy. Effective feedback is important for inclusion.
While workplace practices may not intend to be exclusionary, they can end up being so. For example, social events that centre on alcohol or activities requiring knowledge of Canadian cultural references may make it difficult for some newcomers to participate. This can hinder their sense of belonging and make them feel like they are not valuable enough to consider.
When individuals lack the cultural competency to work with peers of different backgrounds, they may revert to preconditioned biases and stereotypes, or avoidance all together. “Unconscious bias” is often used to refer to attitudes held subconsciously that affect behaviours towards others. The term callously justifies harmful actions, centering the experience of the offender without acknowledging the impact on the person harmed. Organizations must respect the experiences of all employees, not just the dominant group, in order to foster inclusion.
What can employers do?
Immigrant women are tokenized
Immigrant women often hear about employers’ commitments to inclusion in internal communications and promotional materials. However, in practice, they find that inclusion is not prioritized. The most cited motivations by hiring managers and decision makers for an equitable, diverse and inclusive workforce were to increase organizational innovation and agility (34%), to ensure fairness and morality (32%) and to help employers better understand and serve their customers or clients (31%). Yet turning intention into action requires more work. One interviewee commented that her organization does not know how to make use of international knowledge and experience in ways that could benefit their work: “I find the feedback I give — and I provide an international perspective — no one cares. I have gone to the highest levels I can, and it is just smiling and nodding despite the fact that I have heard them say they would love to hear an international perspective … Nothing has been acted upon … There are no follow up questions. It feels like a token gesture.”
What can employers do?
Immigrant women are undervalued
In the GTA, immigrant women earn about 54% less, on average, than non-immigrant men aged 35-44 and 61% less than those aged 45-54. About 28% of GTA immigrant women professionals surveyed did not know how their salary compares to their peers. A similar proportion of respondents (29%) said they are paid less than their peers. In addition, about 2 in 5 immigrant women professionals surveyed said they were treated unfairly at work; the most frequently mentioned reason related to salary/wages (25%).
Immigrant women cannot negotiate away pay inequality. Greater pay transparency is needed to close the gender and immigrant wage gaps.
What can employers do?
Lastly, but most importantly, immigrant women are assets. In the workplace, intersectional experiences must be seen as a strength, not a deficit or challenge to be overcome. Immigrant women professionals are highly skilled, resilient and adaptive. Employers who create environments in which all workers can thrive will set themselves up for success in the future.
About TRIEC
The Toronto Region Immigrant Employment Council (TRIEC) helps employers capitalize on the skills and experience of newcomers to the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) and helps newcomers secure work in their field of expertise. In partnership with corporations, individual supporters, community organizations and governments, TRIEC works to remove barriers to the labour market and to support the retention and advancement of newcomers in the workplace.
What is femicide?
The United Nations has recognized femicide as the most extreme form of violence and discrimination against women and girls. Femicide is defined as the killing of women and girls due to their gender. In Canada, in 2020 alone, 160 females were victims of violent homicide, which averages to a woman or girl being killed every 2.5 days. Out of the 128 cases where the accused was identified, over 90% of the perpetrators were men, and in 41% of the cases, the perpetrator was a current or former intimate partner.[1] While there are a variety of risk factors for women and girls experiencing violence, they are often at greatest risk when they are leaving or have left an abusive relationship.
Who is at risk of femicide?
While women are the most at risk of being a victim of intimate partner violence (IPV) and femicide, some women are at greater risk than others. Indigenous women have a greater risk of experiencing violence than non-Indigenous women and are overrepresented as victims of violent femicide. Making up less than 5% of Canada’s population, Indigenous women make up 16% of femicide victims.[2] Older adults also experience unique risk factors for intimate partner violence and intimate partner homicide due to their physical and mental health and increased barriers to seeking and accessing help.
Other risk factors include:
The impacts of COVID-19 on femicide
The number of women experiencing intimate partner violence has increased during COVID-19, with a 20-30% increase in some parts of Canada. During the first lockdown, women’s helpline call centers received an unprecedented volume of calls, and over the span of three months, Canada’s Assaulted Women’s Helpline received 20,334 calls, almost double of that of the previous year (12,352). Police across Canada responding to domestic violence disturbances also increased by 12% over a month in 2020 when the pandemic first started.[3]
What can we do?
In June 2022, the jury at the inquest into the deaths of Carol Culleton, Anastasia Kuzyk, and Nathalie Warmerdam delivered 86 recommendations to prevent intimate partner violence.[4] It is time to act upon these recommendations. Recommendation #78 specifically is related to information sharing and “working together with the Domestic Violence Death Review Committees (DVDRC), justice partners, and IPV service providers to develop a tool to empower IPV professionals to make informed decisions about privacy, confidentiality and public safety.”[5] WomanACT’s MARAC project has started some of this important work.
Multi-Agency Risk Assessment Conferences (MARAC) bring together multiple agencies to share information and respond to high-risk domestic violence cases in communities. MARAC was developed in Wales in 2003 and is now in place in more than 250 communities across the United Kingdom. The model has shown to reduce repeat victimization, increase survivor safety and connect survivors with the support and services they need. WomanACT is leading the implementation of this model in two communities across Ontario. At the centre of multi-agency high risk tables are three key components – risk assessment, safety planning, and information sharing.
Interested in learning more about MARAC or setting up a multi-agency response to high-risk intimate partner violence in the community? We’d love to hear from you.
[1] Canadian Femicide Observatory for Justice and Accountability. (2020). #CallItFemicide. https://www.femicideincanada.ca
[2] Statistics Canada (2016). ‘Women in Canada: A Gender-based Statistical Report’. https://www150.statcan.gc.ca/n1/pub/89-503-x/2015001/article/14313-eng.htm
[3] Thompson, N. (2021). ‘Reports of domestic, intimate partner violence continue to rise during pandemic’. 16 Feb. CBC News. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/toronto/domestic-intimate-partner-violence-up-in-pandemic-1.5914344
[4] Quenneville, G. (2022). ‘Jury at triple-homicide inquest makes 86 recommendations to prevent intimate partner violence’. 28 June. CBC News. https://www.cbc.ca/news/canada/ottawa/coroners-inquest-intimate-partner-violence-renfrew-probation-1.6503862
[5] Culleton, Kuzyk & Warmerdarm Inquest Jury Recommendations (2022). https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/22072317-inquest